By Suzanne Weiss
This zoom talk was given in a panel organized by Socialist Action Canada in October 2020. It focuses on the defense and expansion of democratic rights of fighters for a new society representing their human needs.
Sixty-one years ago, I learned how a socialist transformation would be possible in the heart of the beast, the USA.
I learned from socialists who had met Lenin and Trotsky in Moscow, who knew the Russian Revolution first-hand: Jim Cannon, Rose Karsner, Arne Swabeck, and others, members of my local branch in Los Angeles. They drew on ideas in the Communist Manifesto by Marx and Engels and the History of the Russian Revolution by Trotsky.
They published their view of revolutionary strategy in a book called Socialism on Trial, which was our socialist recruitment handbook at the time and is now on line.It’s a transcript of a famous court case which should to be read and studied today, especially in the climate of growing mass social movements.
In 1941 Cannon and seventeen other socialists were arrested and charged with conspiring to overthrow the U.S. government by force and violence. — That’s the eternal slander of the political police against socialists, then and now.
At the trial, Cannon was the main witness, and he explained in court the fundamental ideas of socialism. I’m going to quote from his court testimony.
Cannon said that socialists seek a social revolution, “a radical transformation of the underlying economic structures of society, the property basis of society.” Such a revolution becomes possible when the ruling class of society is no longer able to solve its problems and to a large degree lost confidence in itself, Cannon stated.
“The misery and desperation of the masses must have increased to the point where they desire a radical chance at all costs …. And “share a tremendous sentiment for … socialist ideas.”
Also necessary is “a workers’ party that is capable of leading and organizing the movement of workers and their allies in a resolute fashion.” That is, with determination!
The workers’ party stands with these masses in an irreconcilable struggle against the capitalist regime of oppression, misery and butchery, and for a system that represents justice and equal opportunity and equality.
On a broad range of issues our views are shared by the majority, Cannon said. But as to socialist revolution, we are in a minority.
We seek to win a majority to the goal of socialist revolution through education – in meetings, publications, participation in trade unions and elections, running candidates in elections, and through building the mass movements themselves.
So long as workers have and use their democratic rights, Cannon said, a socialist party will “exhaust all the possibilities for a peaceful transformation” of society “to the very end….” and help the masses do the same.
“We have every reason to be confident that we can win over the majority of the people to our program…”
Cannon affirmed the possibility of “legislating the social transformation through parliament or by constitutional amendments” as part of a “qualitative expansion of democracy…..”
What does “expansion of democracy” mean? Let me comment on this.
— Look at the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States – how it shook society and rallied a majority. Without mass social movements like that — a parliamentary majority won’t get us far.
What is more, to end racist cop killings, the mass movements need to dissolve capitalist police forces (while striving for a new society) and build a new system of security services shaped by working people and their allies.
That kind of change demands more than a vote in parliament. We will need a revolution, based on major mass movements such as Black Lives Matter – and unions, encompassing the entire society.
Their activists need to take command, dismantling the old repressive apparatus and creating new institutions — of workers’ democracy.
To coordinate and drive forward this transformation, we need a workers’ government. It may be constituted based on an electoral victory, but its strength will be based on a mobilized and militant population of working people, immigrants, Blacks, people of colour, and indigenous peoples.
— Returning to Cannon’s testimony:– he explained that in all probability, “the [capitalist] minority will not allow such a peaceful transition.” History shows that no privileged social class leaves the scene — Quote: “without trying to impose its will on the majority by force.” End of quote.
That’s what Trump exemplifies: If rejected by the voters, he suggests he will stay on regardless — and call out his armed supporters. The New York Times in a lead article warned that in that case, the election’s outcome could be decided “in the streets” – conceivably, by an unstoppable mass movement to oust Trump in the defense of democracy.
We don’t yet have the conditions for a socialist revolution in the US. But when socialist revolution is in fact posed, it is often in exactly this way.
Cannon points out that this is the way workers understood the October 1917 revolution in Russia. They saw the assumption of power not as an insurrection but as defense of their revolution.
Here what Trotsky wrote:
Twenty-four hours before the insurrection, the task of the Red Guard – the organization of the armed forces of the proletariat for the struggle against counter-revolution and the defense of the conquests of the revolution – was still defined in terms of defense and not attack.[i]
Cannon projects two methods of heading off minority violence – (today we can say, whether by Trump or fascists).
“First, we are going to assert our rights — to amass the support of enough people, whether they agree with our political theory or not, to maintain the democratic processes and civil rights.”
Further, if fascist bands threaten to break up labor organizations, and social movement organizations, “we are going to advise the workers, before it is too late, to organize workers’ defense guards and not permit the fascist hoodlums to break up workers and their allied organizations and their meetings.”
Cannon invokes the example of President Abraham Lincoln. —
In 1861 Lincoln was faced with a pro-slavery rebellion by “a good section of the American army and its best officers.”
Cannon recalls how Lincoln rallied mass resistance to the pro-slavery Confederate revolt.
“Lincoln took what he could from the existing officers and recruited some more” — and gave the Confederates a fight, and Cannon said, “I always thought it was a wonderfully good idea.”
After the trial, Cannon explained that the approach he took at the trial applies to the class struggle as a whole. Stressing our intention to fully utilize our available democratic rights to help build working-class militancy.
“Defensive formulations prepare and help to create genuine mass actions,” Cannon emphasised.
Defensive formulations. What does that mean?
Cannon explained, “Strikers are not mobilised and sent into action by lecturing them on the virtues of violence…. [They] prefer victory by peaceful means and …. they almost invariably hold illusions about the impartiality of public authorities.”
In addition, “They need some assurance that legal right is on their side.” A socialist party, must prepare the masses to defend themselves against the violent blows they will suffer from fascist gangs and the police.
The most effective mass actions are “organized and carried out under defensive slogans,” Cannon repeats. This is also true of “the open fight for political power.” He quotes Lenin on this issue:
“Our business is to help to do everything possible to secure the ‘last’ chance for a peaceful development of the revolution, by presenting our programme, making clear its general, national character and its absolute harmony with the interests and demands of an enormous majority of the population.”
Now I want to comment:
— We can see this defensive principle at work in indigenous land reclamations in Canada.
First Nations activists act peacefully, asserting rights already assured in terms of treaties and basic human rights. But indigenous warriors, if attacked by police or soldiers, are often armed and prepared to defend themselves.
They are not the initiators of attacks but are ready to defend themselves.
Referring us to Trotsky’s History of the Russian Revolution Cannon concludes, “This is the way the great Russian Revolution was organized and carried through to victory. There is the book,” Cannon says, “Go and read it.”
— I think that’s good advice!
Have a look at the many statements by Lenin and Trotsky quoted by Cannon at the end of the online version of his “Socialism on Trial.”
Or better, go to Trotsky’s book itself.
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[i]. Defense Policy, p. 62. Paraphrase